Opinion piece.

Much has been written about the winning London mayoralty campaign for Boris Johnson, a campaign directed by my business partner Lynton Crosby. But there has been little to enlighten us here in Australia about the wider political and social landscape in London during the contest. Separate to the media sexiness of daily campaign tactics and ''gotcha'' moments, the wider context of an election is a critically important consideration for political duels. And it's a lot more interesting, too.

The context to the London campaign, and to politics right across Britain at the moment, was and is about the brutal reality that life is hard in Britain, with the true legacy of the Labour years being significant pressures on the family budget, stagnant or falling pensions and wages, limited employment opportunities to look forward to, transport quality issues, crime concerns continuing (even though on some measures crime levels are falling) and the lack of vibrancy of local high streets.

Despite these tough times, however, it is clear that working people across Britain are making no excuses and are using their skills and know-how to respond to the challenges of a poor economy with dignity, determination and good humour. Two world wars have shown that the British are best when their backs are to the wall, and they are drawing on that spirit to adapt - whether that is by making changes and compromises to their lifestyles, taking jobs with long commutes, sharing flats (even for older single people) or taking on part-time work in retirement. All this while still enjoying what their communities still have to offer, and contributing to them.

But in turn they expect the big end of town, including media and business leaders, to reciprocate; to show the same level of serious commitment to their own roles and responsibilities to their communities.

Voters became well and truly tired of the ''nonsense'' that came in the latter years of Labour in Westminster; the slick and shallow catchphrases, their patronising, irrelevant programs. But the distractions continued, even in the London campaign. Lynton says the Leveson inquiry into News Limited, for example, is irrelevant to most people who are more concerned with petrol prices and paying the mortgage. He believes people particularly want action taken on the economy, an area in which Boris had a not insignificant advantage over his Labour opponent because of his personal position on lowering taxes to promote growth.

Critically, despite a desire for a back-to-basics approach in government, Boris's messy hair, the rumpled suits, the offbeat, high-brow humour and the cycling passion were a positive. That's because these traits are not inconsistent with a man they also know to be very intelligent, resourceful, inventive and successful.

Voters have a deeper affection for Boris than we have measured for any other politician in any other place. They like him not only for his intelligence and resourcefulness, but because they differentiate him from the cookie-cutter politicians of the Brown-Blair era and they admire his focus on vision and outcomes, such as the cycle hire scheme, preservation of green space, crime prevention and cross-city rail. He has turned that vision into reality, but has also cut through the media games and made these issues personally relevant to Londoners. Just watch the YouTube clip of him reprimanding BBC reporter Tim Donovan.

But what is even clearer in the aftermath of Boris's victory, is that voters now have zero tolerance for political nonsense from Westminster and also Britain's ''media club''. Focusing on secondary issues, indulging in stories of political fancy, engaging in ''fluffy talk of social action'' and promoting schemes or ideas which have no relevance to their everyday lives will continue to cause blowback from voters.

And despite Labour's poll lead, doubts remain that have yet to come to the fore: Labour's legacy of wastage, debt and spin, as well as its sometimes cosy relations with radicalised unions; all witnessed by the nature of Ken's Livingstone' s mayoral campaign against Boris. These concerns are all there, but will not be central to voters' decision-making until they face a choice in the nation's future.

There is a lesson in leadership for Australia too: voters are in a mood to support leaders with many layers to their character, who are energetic and focused on addressing the real issues, who have real intelligence and a penchant for the hard work ahead for them, and for us all. A passion for the future, not survival.

The Australian

Rachel Sylvester

There was a huge cut-out of Boris Johnson in Lynton Crosby's office.

"Thank you for running the most amazing campaign," the Mayor had scribbled on it.

"This is written at 4.15pm on election day so may revise later though hope not." No revision was needed. Despite a nailbiting finish, the Australian political strategist known as the Wizard of Oz masterminded a win for Boris in London.

Even as Conservative councillors were blown away across the country in the local elections cyclone, Mr Crosby persuaded the voters that the scarecrow of City Hall could use his brains to manage the capital. "This has been like waiting for a baby to be born," he says. "It's been a very intense period."

Having worked on dozens of election campaigns all over the world, he believes that Mr Johnson is unique in politics. "He's a multigrain politician in an era of white-bread politicians. He has character. Ken Livingstone had that once, but in politics people work you out over time and if you are not genuine they go off you. With Boris there is a genuineness - he doesn't have a technique.

"There is a bit of risk because you are never quite sure what he is going to say, but it is him. Ken has a political strategy whereas Boris just does it."

He says that Mr Johnson outperformed his party by rising above party politics. "Voters aren't stupid - they have worked out that Boris is a Conservative. But people who don't vote Conservative will also vote for him despite that. Most voters haven't seen this as a referendum on the Government but a vote on who they want as Mayor."

Lynton and Boris don't look like natural soulmates. Mr Crosby, who grew up on a farm in southern Australia, describes himself as a "capital 'P' Philistine", preferring the Outback to the opera house. Mr Johnson went to Eton and Oxford. But Mr Crosby, who also worked on Mr Johnson's first London campaign, says the Mayor is not an arrogant posh boy. "Boris is his own person, he is not a creature of class, he won a scholarship and he works bloody hard. A lot of people suggest that he is idle but to me he is the opposite. He is always on the go, always having ideas, he e-mails at 5.30am. His style maligns his work ethic - because he is often thinking of 15 things at once he doesn't always appear focused."

He didn't send his candidate for a haircut or ask him to pose for the photographers with his wife and children. "He is who he is, I couldn't change him. I think he brushed his hair."

The bust-up with Mr Livingstone in the lift over their tax affairs was, Mr Crosby suggests, not a low point but a defining moment of the mayoral campaign. "It showed that he went beyond 'jolly Boris' - he was seriously angry. I have no doubt that it helped cement some people. Everyone wants to hold hands and sing kumbaya, but in politics you need a few moments of tension. You need points of difference."

He believes that the bad economic news in the final week of the campaign aided Boris. "Ironically, I think the double-dip recession helped our campaign because it made people realise that these are tough times and so we can't afford to be risky with money. Boris was seen as better able to manage money."

Mr Crosby rejects the suggestion from some rightwingers that Mr Johnson triumphed by promoting traditional Tory values. "Boris won because he was Boris and had done a good job as mayor and had, many would say, exceeded expectations . . . My business partner in Australia, who is a pollster, once said to me that he had never seen a politician against whom there was less malice. Even those who don't vote for him have a sense of warmth towards him; that's not a bad quality."

On polling day, he went with Mr Johnson to Fulham Broadway. "The thing that struck me was that six black minority ethnic people in a row came up and said they had voted for Boris. There was a single mum with her son in the barber shop and he jumped out of the chair and ran up to Boris."On race, he says: "It's chicken and egg. Is it that the Conservatives have trouble with some groups because they are black minority ethnic, or is it because those groups happen to be recent immigrants and therefore are often poorer, don't own their own home and may be on welfare, that they're not voting Conservative? You don't appeal to people just by saying, 'We've got a particular type of person in our party therefore you should vote for us'. Boris treats everybody the same."

While No 10 is worrying that Mr Cameron has lost the female vote, Boris had a consistent lead amongst women. "I don't think it's charm," Mr Crosby says. "They believe he's more in tune. Ken, as he's got older, has become a bit of a caricature of the cranky old machine politician. Boris doesn't talk about maternity or paternity leave, but most women don't talk about 'women's policies' either." Politicians' private lives matter less and less, in his view. "What matters to most voters is - do you take the job seriously? Do you have a set of values that guide you - I don't mean moral values but enduring values? People don't care where you've come from as long as you behave the right way towards them and if you've got a job to do, you do it to the best of your ability and understand the people you're seeking to represent."

What advice would Mr Crosby give to the Prime Minister after last week's disappointing results? "I charge for my advice," he jokes.

He is not about to take a job in No 10, although he was sounded out by Mr Cameron in Opposition. But the man who secured four election victories for John Howard as Australian Prime Minister says there are wider reasons for the Tory woes outside London. "The Government's got a very difficult challenge because they inherited a massive debt. The fact that there's a coalition obviously constrains the capacity of the Conservative Party to be as flexible as it might want to be."

The omnishambles of pasties, fuel, donors and granny tax will not do lasting damage, says the strategist. "I don't think people think that things have spiralled out of control. These are tough times. The most important thing in politics is message; you need a clear and consistent message and stick to that."

There have, though, been too many distractions. The Leveson inquiry revelations are, he says, "completely irrelevant to most people, they just do not give a toss . . . If you're out in the suburbs somewhere and you're worrying about petrol prices and paying your mortgage next week you just think what are these people going on about?"

Some Tory backbenchers are muttering that the modernising project has failed and that their leader may not be a winner. "I don't think they are right to go on the radio and say anything,"

Mr Crosby says. "I hate all this right-wing, left-wing stuff. The voters just want to know that you're focusing on what's best for them." He can't offer any magic solution to the Tory problems in the North and does not think that Mr Cameron should start ramping up the rhetoric on dog-whistle issues such as immigration, crime and tax. "People are not ideological, they just want a Government that delivers a better life for them," he says. "Overwhelmingly Mr Cameron's focusing on what he needs to focus on, which is the economy."

There is one quality, Mr Crosby says, that the London Mayor and the Prime Minister share: "They're both at ease with themselves."

So has Boris got what it takes to make it to No 10? "That's for others to judge," he replies. "The two things I've seen in him are a real hunger to be Mayor again and a clarity as to what he wants to do. If you're always underestimated, that's good; you'll surprise people. If you surprise them at the right time, that can be very powerful."

See the video here: http://www.abc.net.au/insiders/content/2012/s3496408.htm 

(1minute 21 Seconds into the video)

Opinion

The morning after Cyclone Tracy ravaged my family home in the northern suburbs of Darwin on Christmas night in 1974, my big brother Michael helped me find what Christmas gifts remained. In the eerie early morning light we found two. And they were rather good.

One was a gleaming, albeit slightly scratched, red Malvern Star bike. The other was a Johnny Cash record.

I still remember riding that bike through the deserted streets of Alawa, weaving around the debris, enjoying that rare sense of freedom that comes after being confined all night in a makeshift shelter. And it was a simple act: I got on my bike and rode.

I still love bikes and cycling but something has happened. It has slowly become, well, very complicated. I don't just hop on my bike any more. Now I search for my cycling-specific socks, knicks, undershirt, jersey, gloves and helmet. Then I pump up my tyres to the recommended high pressure my carbon fibre drop-bar racing bike requires, attach a seat bag full of tubes, tools and a spare $10 note. I strap on my heart-rate monitor and its GPS-enabled computer receiver. Then there are the stretches and pre-ride checks, and music to fiddle with. And all that's before the traffic.

Like a boiling frog, my love of riding has been slowly cooked dead. I'm now burdened by the creeping modern paraphernalia of it. All the things I'd bought to increase my enjoyment of cycling are not.

I can just as easily ride a simpler bike with "normal" pedals. I can ride in normal sandshoes, a T-shirt and shorts. I don't actually need a GPS computer to tell me where to go and if I'm working hard enough - I have my eyes and gasping lungs to tell me what the heart rate monitor would. So I did. And it was terrific.

Reflecting on this has led me to think back on that Johnny Cash record. His music remains engaging because it is similarly stripped down; the songs are simple yet powerful. His musical constructs allowed him to focus often on themes and narratives surrounding the fate of the downtrodden along with other social and political issues. Cash's outfits were understated and his brand became the simple Man in Black.

Clutter happens in politics and government. As one industry player likes to reflect: political parties, particularly those in government, "get lost in the logic of their own arguments". Kevin Rudd came to power channelling Johnny Cash: his simple narrative and tune was: "I'm from Queensland and I'm here to help; you will get a new deal on health, an education revolution, a fair wage deal and economic conservatism."

But, thanks to the paraphernalia of ministries, COAG, 2020 summits, the overseas trips, the media spin cycle, the endless government meetings and too much looking at the political version of the cycling computer - the published polls - his music became like that of Rick Wakeman. Very fancy and complicated, but ultimately with no point. So, out went the ''just ride'' Johnny Cash style; in came endless Rick Wakeman. Folk don't buy Rick Wakeman.

Similarly, some political leaders bind themselves in layers of "what ifs" instead of getting on the bike and simply going for it. They often get over-prepared so while they may end up with a TV interview that is mistake-free and technically perfect from a media practitioner's point of view, they have actually said nothing.

But here's the trick. Shedding the carbon fibre for the single-speed bike isn't simple. You will find yourself using muscles you have not used in ages. And it takes discipline to reskill yourself to ride a mountain bike with no suspension over rough terrain. In politicians and musicians - as well as cyclists - simplicity takes skill.

As one musical observer said about the power of Cash's music: "It goes something like this … boom-chicka-boom, boom-chicka-boom … relentless … like a slow-moving freight train."

And here is the kicker: "Once it gets in your head, it'll be there for a while."

But as the musician Bob Wootton also said, boom-chicka-boom isn't as simple as it may sound. Even the best guitarists in the world, he said, had trouble mastering it.

It's the same with politicians and our own lives. Clarity is king. Simplicity delivers. But you must shed the layers first. And that's the hard bit. Even before the ride.

Opinion

Politics is an old profession. We all know that. But I would argue that politics is ageing more rapidly than most. The accelerated proliferation of political media coverage and commentary has meant the political paint applied to the constructs, personalities and policies that parties around the world create fades more rapidly.

Australian voters see a lot of elections and a lot of election coverage. They read weekly polls, the daily analysis of those polls and never-ending predictions of the next poll as well as the tactics that political parties will employ to influence them.

Little is new now. The salience of different issues ebbs and flows but the broad spectrum of issues hasn't fundamentally changed since I've been measuring them. With the exception of war and national security issues, wherever you go in the world the matters of greatest personal concern are much the same but with different local colour. The cost of living, be that concern about food staples or the Western tension about maintaining quality of life, economic stability, neighbourhood security, local roads, access to quality health and education services, water quality and availability, honesty and trust in politicians and public officials are all typical - and that's just what we found in focus groups in Iraq.

Many party pollsters would argue that even the positioning of issues has become predictable in the West. For example, if a Republican candidate chooses to campaign on an anti-crime (law and order) platform aimed at socially conservative older voters, typically their Democrat opponent will respond to that same cohort with a scare campaign about the possible loss of pension benefits if the Republican opponent's conservative or hawkish fiscal positions be adopted.

In Australia, an attempt by the economic right to talk about greater productivity and efficiency in the economy can be expected to be immediately recounted with accusations of a secret IR agenda, service cuts and tax breaks for ''the rich''.

Our research shows voters are aware of these trends because of their own frequent voting experiences and the socialisation and exposure of political strategies via new media. One political trend that is still maturing, however, is the growing flexibility in the way voters choose to use their vote.

Voters see separate opportunities to support, for example, local candidates (often in spite of their overall party loyalty), or to send a message about a particular issue, or to use their vote preferences to send messages to the media.

While one could argue that this ''retailing'' of choices has always been present, rather than being an afterthought, it is now much more of an active consideration. In our numbers we have seen, for example, win-expectations go from being one of 10 vote drivers a decade ago, to being one of the top two or three vote drivers.

This trend has been masked by a range of different political terms used in media; whether it was the ''gambit'' strategy of protest voting in the Mundingburra byelection in 1996, leading to the downfall of Queensland's Wayne Goss-led government; the ''Jackie Kelly'' sandbagging strategy in 1998, where MPs were inoculated from an anti-GST swing by a tactical vote in support of their local efforts and popularity; John Key's ''cup of tea'' strategy to encourage National Party voters in one electorate to vote ACT New Zealand to deliver stable government; or the Queensland LNP appeal not to vote in support of the local (Labor) MP, but rather to vote to deliver change; all are an indication of a battle of vote-use, not just vote-issues.

This innovation in the conversation about the tactical and practical uses of our votes may well be re-empowering voters by smarter vote choices, but voters are also aware that innovation in policy is slowing by comparison. Perhaps this is because when someone does now offer up a fresh policy, it is immediately eviscerated by 24-hour news channels. So before voters think about the range of vote choices they have, they like to listen to more policy content analysis rather than political analysis.

Pippa Crerar - City Hall Editor

London Evening Standard

Lynton Crosby, the Australian spin doctor, has trained Boris Johnson so well he can let the candidate call the shots this time. Pippa Crerar talks strategy with the Mayor’s campaign guru.

Since the race for City Hall began, Boris Johnson has shown remarkable self-discipline. The Mayor has been in bakers’ shops without buying pasties to show up Chancellor George Osborne, and has stuck firmly to the script on speeches.

Video: Channel Ten - Winning speech 

Audio: ABC Radio National, Sunday Extra. 'Outsiders: War....What Is It Good For'

Audio: ABC Radio National - Sunday Profile - Mark Textor

Opinion piece

If you work with politicians and want to add to the process, then it's best to read something outside of "Campaigns and Elections" for inspiration.

So I was pleasantly surprised when I read, in a book not entirely about politics, one of the best descriptions I've ever come across about the uniqueness of every election contest.

The author wrote: "In the end elections are not decided by a single factor, [but] built by an intersection of circumstances and reflections that are generally unrepeatable.''

This had been my experience, so it struck a chord. The book was The Rise of Benedict XVI: The Inside Story Of How The Pope Was Elected And Where He Will Take The Catholic Church, by John L. Allen Jnr.

In a fascinating chapter of this book about Joseph Ratzinger, titled ''The Victory'', Allen noted 10 reasons for his success in claiming the title of the 16th Pope Benedict at the crucial count. Key among them were seven quite political observations that help to describe the nature of the Queensland election last weekend.

Allen noted first that Ratzinger was "The Best Man"; that he had "a ferocious work ethic, and was a superb listener and learner". Certainly this parallels the Queensland election. With voters sick of spin, our research showed that Campbell Newman's contagious energy was the antidote to Labor's flat, parodic spin.

Second, Allen wrote that Ratzinger mounted "The Best Campaign" in that "his performance … was perfectly calibrated to remind his conservative base of support of what they admired about him". In Queensland, too, voters wanted affirmation and confirmation, rather than persuasion that Newman had a plan of action ready in his back pocket. The importance of his "100-Day program", "Contract with Queensland" and "Contract with Ashgrove" was critical in the closing week. The focus on the "retail decision" was also a factor - that in order to achieve positive change voters would have to vote out sometimes popular Labor members who had hidden the Labor logo to avoid scrutiny and accountability.

Third, Allen noted Ratzinger had "The Best Campaign Staff". Certainly with Bruce McIver and the LNP executive bringing together the "old" National and Liberal parties and co-opting the likes of James McGrath, David Moore and Ben Myers, they had party organisation and unity, campaign discipline, policy and tactical co-ordination skills of some of the very best in politics anywhere. If Labor's one-dimensional advertising was any guide, their strategic communications team by comparison had the political alacrity of a toaster.

Fourth, the author noted Ratzinger was "A Known Quantity", that "many of them [voters] … decided that rather than risk the unknown, they would opt for a proven figure". This would normally be an issue for the leader of a 20-year opposition, but Newman's high profile through his work on the Brisbane City Council meant voters knew of his "Can-Do" approach, dispelling the usual "unknown" factor.

Fifth, Allen noted that the papal voting system was in Ratzinger's favour. In the case of Queensland the parallel was simple: the "just vote 1 LNP" message allowed by the Queensland optional preferential system meant the act of voting for change was clearer. It also neutered the effectiveness of the Greens' giving preferences to Labor.

Sixth, Allen noted Ratzinger had an "Ineffective Opposition". Sound familiar? This is normally a problem for Queensland conservative oppositions and was potentially Labor's biggest wedge into the LNP campaign. By attacking Newman's personal financial interests, Labor was clearly hoping to game the polls in Ashgrove, then with the ''winnability'' of that seat in question, sow the seed of doubt about the alternative LNP.

The problem with this was manyfold. Newman was able to decisively deal with the issue by promising to divest himself of his financial dealings. The campaign was able to put enough pressure on Labor's leader, Anna Bligh, to force the admission that her accusations were without evidence. Also, Newman never looked like he was going to lose. Strong TV performances beamed into livings rooms are still much more influential than tweets about poll drops.

As well, Tim Nicholls and Jeff Seeney were seen to be strong, competent "back stops", while Bligh's deputy, Andrew Fraser, was a measurable political negative. So the Labor advertising gave some free publicity to the fact that the LNP had a team.

Finally, Allen concluded that Ratzinger was the only man with the policies, character (and values) who could deliver reform. At least 60 per cent of the LNP's paid advertising effort in the final week was devoted to communicating commitments to Queensland for the future. As one political leader observed, "a leader is a dealer in hope" - so in repeating its five-point mantra for government, the Newman LNP team offered that hope, and people desperate for it grabbed it with both hands.

For me Queensland was a different experience from other campaigns, but the papal parallels show some familiar patterns.

Mark Textor is the founder of the campaign consultancy Crosby Textor, which advised the LNP in Queensland.